As outlined in Volume I, Middle Shield culture, the ancestor
of Late Eastern Shield culture, spread eastward into newly
available territories either recovering from the affects of
glaciation and its unfavourable biotic aftermath or abandoned
by their previous Middle Maritime culture occupants. Much of
Québec and Labrador does not appear to have been
occupied by Middle Shield culture until around 2,000 B.C.
with settlement becoming progressively more recent to the
north and the east. It was from this cultural base that Late
Eastern Shield culture peoples in most of Québec north
of the St. Lawrence River and portions of Labrador were
derived. People maintained regionally adapted seasonal rounds;
some bands, because of their locations, seasonally exploiting
coastal resources while other bands subsisted mainly on interior
caribou, moose, small game and, in particular, fish.
Both Late Eastern Shield and Late Western Shield cultures
developed out of the Middle Shield culture of Period III
(4,000 to 1,000 B.C.). The basis for distinguishing between
these two closely related cultures is largely technological
as their settlement patterns and subsistence practices were
very similar, if not identical, in most instances. Late Eastern
Shield culture retained the older stone working traditions of
their predecessors whereas Late Western Shield culture
continued a late Middle Shield culture development in the
west that involved abandoning the use of massive siliceous
deposits, such as quartzite and rhyolite, with their resulting
large bifacial and unifacial tools, in favour of Hudson Bay
Lowlands nodular cherts with their comparatively diminutive
tool products. While both cultures made extensive use of local
veins of quartz as expedient cutting and scraping chunks and
flakes, the practice appears to have been far more common in
the east. Late Eastern Shield culture also rejected pottery
vessels as an important item in their tool kit unlike their
western kinsmen
(Thibault 1978). In
fact, the limited pottery from Late Eastern Shield sites may
simply represent the products of Late Western Shield culture
and Late Great Lakes-St. Lawrence culture women moving from
their homelands in the west and south to join the bands of
their husbands to the north and east. Occurrences of pottery
becomes progressively sparse as one advances eastward and
northward and thus further away from the homelands of the
hypothesized cultures within which it represented a
significant element of technology
(Moreau et al. 1991:
59). As an example, whereas pottery is common in both Late
Western Shield culture (Laurel) and Late Great Lakes-St.
Lawrence culture (e.g. Point Peninsula complex) only 14
pertinent pottery sherds are reported from the entire Lac
St. Jean area
(Moreau 1995: 106 and
Table 1). A similar situation existed on Lake Abitibi,
straddling the Ontario and Québec border
(Marois et Gauthier 1989;
Ridley 1966). This
progressively fading pattern of pottery vessel distribution
to the east maintains itself into Period V (A.D. 500 to
European contact) where the East Cree, Montagnais (Naskapi),
and Attikamek of Late Eastern Shield culture territory
basically rejected pottery manufacturing unlike their
western and southern kinsmen the West Main Cree,
Algonquin, Southern and Northern Ojibwa, Western Woods
Cree, and the Late Winnipeg Saulteaux. What pottery does
occur is clearly related to western styles and was
likely a product of women from western bands joining
their husbands in the eastern bands.
Subsistence and settlement patterns remain unchanged from
the preceding period and, for that matter, were to remain
unchanged up to the time of European contact. Sites such
as the Chicoutimi site at the juncture of the Saugenay and
Chicoutimi rivers
(Chapdelaine 1984)
contained occupational debris spanning more than 3,000 years
and terminated with a historical documented Montagnais
occupation. Unfortunately the cultural deposits at this
site were hopelessly intermixed. Like other large sites,
the Chicoutimi site was a favourable location where a
band or, more likely, a number of bands gathered on a
seasonal basis.
The relationship of some of the bands of Late Eastern
Shield culture with Late Western Shield culture (Laurel)
and Late Great Lakes-St. Lawrence culture (e.g. Point
Peninsula) appears to have involved women from the latter
two cultures moving into Late Eastern Shield culture
territory, along with their pots and/or pottery
manufacturing knowledge, to dwell in their husbands
communities. Occasional ground stone celts and tools
manufactured from Onondaga chert, whose geological
source is at the western end of Lake Ontario, also
indicate contacts to the south and west. Such a
relationship mirrors that of Period III and represents
a long established pattern of close cultural contact.
On a much lesser scale, in the northern interior of
Québec small quantities of Ramah quartzite on Late
Eastern Shield sites at locales like Lac Caniapiscau
(Denton et al. 1980:
296) suggest either trade with Middle Palaeo-Eskimos
on the Labrador coast, where the stone source is
located, or actual coastal forays by the interior people
to the quarries. It is also possible that some of the
Ramah quartzite was scavenged from abandoned interior
Middle Maritime culture sites. Contrary to Tuck
(1976: 59), it is
argued that Middle Maritime culture had abandoned the
northshore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and Labrador
prior to the end of Period III and that significant
contacts do not appear to have taken place across the
Gulf where the descendants of the more northerly
Middle Maritime people are believed to have retreated.
There is also evidence of participation in the Adena
mortuary complex. On the northshore of the Gulf of St.
Lawrence at Mingan the grave of a young girl was
exposed by erosion. The body had been wrapped in bark
and was provided with a copper bead necklace. Shell
beads were also present and a number of large mortuary
biface blades as well as red ochre. Subsequent work at
the site has disclosed more graves suggesting the
existence of a cemetery. Significantly, early Point
Peninsula pottery was present at this site
(Clermont 1990:
12-14). A discovery on the central Labrador coast represents
the most northerly evidence of participation in the Adena
mortuary complex. At the Daniel Rattle site, a cache
consisting of 10 end scrapers, a large corner-notched
biface blade, an abrader, an unmodified graphite nodule,
and a quartz pebble, was found on the surface of a promontory
(Loring 1989: 52). It
is speculated here that the cache may represent offerings
placed in a surface (log covered?) burial where all other
evidence of a grave has disappeared except the stone tools.
What is of particular interest is that the large
corner-notched biface represents a typical Adena mortuary
complex item whereas the end scrapers are typical Late
Eastern Shield culture tools. All of the stone is of local
origin but, unlike the scrapers, the notched biface
exhibited no evidence of use.
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